主题：从萧条到繁荣，再到萧条 -- 西瓜子
我估计这个“每年700多万亿美元的国际货币交易”，只需要征收2-3%的交易税，就会像漏气的气球一样瘪下来了。
08年金融风暴前，大批离岸金融中心的存在，例如开曼群岛、维尔京群岛、列支敦士登等，就是为着有利于国际金融资本的避税的。
金融危机后，各国吵吵嚷嚷要加强金融监管，也列出了所谓数十个国家地区在内的黑名单，然而，执行起来都是雷声大、雨点小。
出于美国金融立国的事实，美国人是不会在其掌控的国际经济贸易金融框架下，对金融资本实施强有力的监管的。
社会分配本身不可能合理，所以理论推算的人口极值和实际情况往往大相径庭。大户人家对酒肉的需要量非常大，而且浪费严重，甚至不排除很多粮食都喂了狗等宠物。所以从这一点上说，古代中国人口的推测恐怕并不象老兄想的那么乐观。“朱门酒肉臭，路有冻死骨”，我们往往会控诉美国资本家倾倒牛奶的行为，但是古代大户觉得粮食太多，通通拿来酿酒的行为本质上有太多区别吗？
就是说，古代社会的人口最大值，和土地承载能力无关，主要是管理和分配机制。
手里拿几块板砖长身体更重要。
当年一直搞欧洲大陆的平衡，几百年的时间，阴谋论深入人心，这给他们控制殖民地提供了很大的灵活性。
模式也很简单，支持弱势的一方（没有弱势的一方，创造条件制造弱势的一方，比如往斯里兰卡运泰米尔人），打击强势的一方；制造摩擦。
老美也继承了英国人的传统，在世界各地都在搞分裂、摩擦。
西西河应该是安全的，系统不会崩溃吧。
是英国人放的。
感谢二位更正，就此修改，避免再误传。
patience just as the guy above you, then China will become Germany II in a few years.
Chinese just started to enjoy a bit richer life in the last 10 years. Some of those ignorant ones already started to plot day by day on how to be No. 1.
你的《文明IV》战记，我还等着看呢。
不知道哪位聪明人总结出来的，真是经典。
不是从"一个经济杀手的自白", 就是"石油战争"中读到这句话.
我好几个地方看到这个了。
preference system.America and Canada are two rebellious children against this big British "family"--America single-handedly ended this system and replaced it with an America-dominant new economic order after WWII, because as true British offsprings, just like their British cousins, Americans do not share global leadership.
Anglos are destined to rule the world because they know how to rule the world through innovative new systems, economic integration and global market manipulation,esp.,through financial market. They know how to rule by economic enticement, embrace and extension, NOT Chinese-style coersion, arrogance and hierarchy (朝贡体系--http://baike.baidu.com/view/197647.htm)
When you look at those 朝贡体系 Chinese leaders, there is only one comment: stupid.
chinese ELITES HAVE A LONG WAY TO CATCH UP. So please be patient, for YOUR own benefits. Do not always refer to your old Chinese ways: it would not work with Japanese, Koreas, Philippines, Vietnamese.... after they have tasted with their Anglo bosses.
http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Imperial_Preference
Imperial Preference (later Commonwealth Preference) was a proposed system of reciprocally-levelled tariffs or free trade agreements between different Dominions and Colonies within the British Commonwealth of Nations. The purpose of such practices was to promote the mutual prosperity, and thus unity, of allied imperial nations. While the idea of Imperial Preference is as old as colonialism itself, it:
* was a practice that was not necessarily used all the time;
* did not necessarily include every nation in the British Empire, and
* did not necessarily apply to every commodity.
The idea was fleetingly popular around the turn of the 20th century, as advocated by the tariff reformist Joseph Chamberlain. Problematically for Chamberlain, the new Chancellor of the Exchequer, C. T. Ritchie, was vigorously opposed to any scheme of Imperial Preference. (Ritchie was guided by the free-trade ideas of the leading economists of the time, such as Sir William Ashley.) This ultimately led to a damaging rift within the Conservative Party under Arthur Balfour.
During the 1920s, Imperial Preference became popular once more. Prime Minister Baldwin (1924-29) was a tepid supporter. His Colonial and Dominions Secretary, Amery, was one of its strongest supporters and in 1926 established the Empire Marketing Board to encourage Britons to 'buy Empire'. But Churchill, Chancellor of the Exchequer in the Baldwin government, and always a free trader, was an opponent.
In 1932, representatives of Britain, the Dominions, and the Colonies held the Commonwealth Conference on Economic Consultation and Co-operation in Ottawa, Canada. There was initial agreement on Imperial Preference. But the incompetence and tactless manner of British Dominions Secretary J. H. Thomas so alienated Dominion prime ministers that an opportunity was missed.
In 1935, the Canadian P.M., R. B. Bennett, a Conservative who supported Imperial Preference, was replaced by a Liberal, W. L. M. King. King responded to pressure from U.S. Secretary of State, Hull and abandoned Imperial Preference. The United States was determined to maintain its tariff protections and access to markets, but was vociferously opposed to any such preferences enjoyed by other countries. In the case of the Commonwealth, the U.S. was hostile to it from its inceptions, notwithstanding the fact that in the cases of Canada, Australia, New Zealand and South Africa, there was overwhelmingly preference for a system anchored by the United Kingdom rather than the U.S.