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主题:【原创】这次疫情中的星星之火 -- Ace

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家园 美国人真皮实,同时盼着中国人别这么皮实

那会儿我在纽约。一般公众没人隔离、没人戴口罩。没有航班停飞、没有城市被封。全社会淡定得很。更没有任何国家禁止美国公民入境。轮到中国出现类似疫情,美国政府和媒体怎么就如临大敌了?What gives?

幸灾乐祸、煽风点火、推波助澜、落井下石有木有?华尔街日报刚刊登了标题耸人听闻的文章《中国才是真正的亚洲病夫》,借题发挥又把中国崩溃论拎出来贩卖一遍,预言中国垮了世界就会返回美国一超独霸。透着屏幕都能听出那兴奋的奸笑声、看出那渴望的邪恶眼神。当然,这都是题中应有之义,本性使然嘛。

其实,中国人民根本不用恐慌。100年前美国在崛起之中不也在大萧条中挣扎了多年,后来还打了世界大战。中国即便发生除瘟疫之外的大危机,也止不住上升的势头。老美各种明里暗里拦阻打压,能使中国局面更加困难,但对大趋势是无可奈何的,倒使中国人民更快抛弃对他们的幻想,自立自强。

奇文共赏(节选):

China Is the Real Sick Man of Asia

--Its financial markets may be even more dangerous than its wildlife markets.

By Walter Russell Mead

Feb. 3, 2020

......Epidemics also lead us to think about geopolitical and economic hypotheticals. We have seen financial markets shudder and commodity prices fall in the face of what hopefully will be a short-lived disturbance in China’s economic growth. What would happen if—perhaps in response to an epidemic, but more likely following a massive financial collapse—China’s economy were to suffer a long period of even slower growth? What would be the impact of such developments on China’s political stability, on its attitude toward the rest of the world, and to the global balance of power?

China’s financial markets are probably more dangerous in the long run than China’s wildlife markets. Given the accumulated costs of decades of state-driven lending, massive malfeasance by local officials in cahoots with local banks, a towering property bubble, and vast industrial overcapacity, China is as ripe as a country can be for a massive economic correction. Even a small initial shock could lead to a massive bonfire of the vanities as all the false values, inflated expectations and misallocated assets implode. If that comes, it is far from clear that China’s regulators and decision makers have the technical skills or the political authority to minimize the damage—especially since that would involve enormous losses to the wealth of the politically connected.

We cannot know when or even if a catastrophe of this scale will take place, but students of geopolitics and international affairs—not to mention business leaders and investors—need to bear in mind that China’s power, impressive as it is, remains brittle. A deadlier virus or a financial-market contagion could transform China’s economic and political outlook at any time.

Many now fear the coronavirus will become a global pandemic. The consequences of a Chinese economic meltdown would travel with the same sweeping inexorability. Commodity prices around the world would slump, supply chains would break down, and few financial institutions anywhere could escape the knock-on consequences. Recovery in China and elsewhere could be slow, and the social and political effects could be dramatic.

If Beijing’s geopolitical footprint shrank as a result, the global consequences might also be surprising. Some would expect a return of unipolarity if the only possible great-power rival to the U.S. were to withdraw from the game. Yet in the world of American politics, isolation rather than engagement might surge to the fore. If the China challenge fades, many Americans are likely to assume that the U.S. can safely reduce its global commitments.

So far, the 21st century has been an age of black swans. From 9/11 to President Trump’s election and Brexit, low-probability, high-impact events have reshaped the world order. That age isn’t over, and of the black swans still to arrive, the coronavirus epidemic is unlikely to be the last to materialize in China.

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