主题：<茗谈87>：话说某岛 -- 本嘉明

美国空军少将Charles Sweeney，于1995年在美国国会的证词------这是可怜的奥巴马必须复习的小学功课，这个丧失国格的失败者。

Charles Sweeney是唯一参加了两次核轰炸日本的美国飞行员。

外链出处

外链出处

中文节译：

我是美国空军退役少将查尔斯斯韦尼。我是唯一一位参加了两次对日本原子轰炸的飞行员，在对广岛的轰炸中担任驾驶员蒂贝茨上校的右座领航员，在对长崎的轰炸中任编队指挥员。

作为唯一曾参与两次原子弹轰炸的飞行员，我将陈述本人亲身经历的往事。我要强调指出，我所陈述的都是无可争辩的事实，而有些人就是无视这些明显的事实，因为这些事实与他们头脑中的偏见不符。

此刻，作为经历了那段历史的人们，我要陈述我的思考、观察和结论。我相信杜鲁门总统做出的对日本使用原子弹的决定不仅符合当时的情况，而且具有压倒其他可能选择的道义上的必要性。像我们这一代绝大多数人一样，我最不希望发生的一件事就是战争。我们这个民族不是穷兵黩武的骑士，我们不渴望那种辉煌。而当我国正在大萧条中挣扎时，日本开始了对邻国的征服----搞什么"大东亚共荣圈"。

法西斯总是打着最漂亮的旗帜去掩饰最卑鄙的阴谋。这种"共荣"是通过对中国进行残酷的总体战进行的。日本作为一个国家，认为自己命中注定要统治亚洲，并由此理应据有亚洲的自然资源和广袤土地。日本屠杀无辜的男人、女人和孩子，未有丝毫的怜悯和犹豫。在惨绝人寰的南京大屠杀中，30万手无寸铁的平民被屠杀。

这是事实。

日本认为美国是阻止其实现在亚洲的"神授"命运的唯一障碍，于是对驻扎于珍珠港的美国海军太平洋舰队进行了精心策划的偷袭。偷袭时间定于一个星期天的早晨，因为此时行动可以最大限度地摧毁舰队实力、消灭人员，给予美国海军以致命的打击。数千名美国水兵的生命湮灭于仍然沉睡在珍珠港湾底的亚利桑那号战列舰里，其中的许多士兵甚至不清楚为什么受到突然袭击就已死去。战争就这样强加在美国的头上。

科雷吉多尔岛的陷落，以及随后对盟军战俘的屠杀，驱散了对日军兽性的最后一丝怀疑。即使是在战时，日军的残暴也是令人发指的。巴丹的死亡进军充满恐怖。日本人认为投降是对自身、对家庭、对祖国、对天皇的污辱。他们对自身和对敌人都毫不手软。7000名美军和菲律宾战俘惨遭殴打、枪杀、被刺刀捅死，或惨死于疾病和饥饿。

这些都是事实！

随着美国在广阔的太平洋向日本缓慢地、艰苦地、一步一流血地进军，日本在最大的程度上显示出它是一台冷酷无情、残暴无人性的杀人机器。无论战事多么令人绝望，无论机会多么渺茫，无论结果多么确定，日本人都战至最后一人。为了取得可能大的光荣，日军全力以赴去杀死尽可能多的美国人。美军开进得距日本本土越近，日本人的行为就变得越疯狂。塞班岛美军阵亡3000人，其中在最后几小时就死了1500人。硫黄岛美军阵亡6000人，伤21000人。冲绳岛美军阵亡12000人，伤38000人。"神风敢死队"驾驶装载炸弹的飞机撞击美国军舰。队员认为这是天上人间至高的光荣。

日本用言语和行动表明，只要第一个美国人踏上日本本土，他们就处决所有的盟军战俘。日本为大屠杀做了准备，强迫盟军战俘为自己挖掘坟墓。即使在投降后，他们仍然处决了一些战俘。

《波茨坦公告》要求日本无条件投降。日本人认为这是荒唐可笑而不屑考虑的。我们从截获的密码得知，日本打算拖延时间，争取以可接受的条件来谈判投降。

8月6日之前的几个月里，美国飞机开始轰炸日本本土，一个个日本城市化为火海，成千上万的日本人死去，但日军仍然发誓决不投降。他们准备牺牲自己的人民，以换取他们所理解的"光荣"和"荣誉"--不管死多少人。他们拒绝救助平民，尽管我们的飞行员事先已就可能来临的空袭投撒了传单。在一次为期10天的轰炸行动中，东京、名古屋、神户、大阪的许多地方化为灰烬。即使在用原子弹轰炸了广岛之后，日本军部仍然认为美国只有一枚炸弹，日本可以继续坚持。在8 月6日之后，他们有3天的时间投降，但他们不。只有在长崎受到原子轰炸后，日本天皇才最后宣布投降。即使在这种情况下，军方仍声称他们可以而且应该继续战斗。一些陆军军官发起叛乱，试图截获并销毁天皇向日本人宣布投降的诏书。

这些事实有助于说明我们所面临的敌人的本质，有助于认清杜鲁门总统在进行各种选择时所要考虑的背景，有助于理解为什么对日本进行原子轰炸是必要的。像每一个男女军人一样，杜鲁门总统理解这些事实。伤亡不是某种抽象的统计数字，而是惨痛的事实。

为什么太平洋战争的历史这么容易就被遗忘了呢？也许原因就存在于目前正在进行着的对历史的歪曲，对集体记忆的歪曲。在战败50年后，日本领导人轻率地声称他们是受害者，广岛、长崎与南京大屠杀在实质上是一回事！整整几代日本人不知道他们的国家在第二次世界大战中都干了些什么，这可以解释为什么他们不理解日本为何要向其受害者道歉。与德国认罪的姿态不同，日本坚持认为它没干任何错事，它的行为是受当时局势的拖累。这种态度粉碎了任何真正弥合创伤的希望。只有记忆才能带来真正的原谅，而遗忘就可能冒重复历史的危险。

经常有人问我，用原子弹轰炸日本是否是出于报复，是否是蓄意毁灭一个古老而令人尊敬的文明。对此有如下事实：一，在最初的轰炸目标清单上包括京都。虽然京都也是一个合法的目标，在先前的空袭中未曾予以轰炸，但陆军部长史汀生还是把它从目标清单中去掉了，因为京都是日本的古都，也是日本的文化宗教中心。二，在战时我们受到严格约束，在任何情况下不得轰炸东京的皇宫，尽管我们很容易识别皇宫并炸死天皇。毕竟我们不是为了报复。

英文原文：

TESTIMONY OF MAJOR GENERAL CHARLES W.

SWEENEY, UNITED STATES AIR FORCE, RETIRED

General Sweeney.:Thank you, Mr. Chairman, and members of the committee. I am Major General Charles W. Sweeney, United States Air Force, retired. I am the only pilot to have flown on both atomic missions. I flew the instrument plane on the Hiroshima mission, and 3 days later on August 9, 1945 commanded the second atomic mission over Nagasaki. Six days after Nagasaki the Japanese military surrendered and the Second World War came to an end.

Fifty years ago millions of my fellow citizens served our country in a time of national crisis — a crisis which engulfed our panel; a crisis in which the forces of fascism were poised to extinguish the democracies of the world. It was a crisis in which the forces of evil were clearly defined, or at least I thought so until last fall when I read the first accounts from the Air Force Association of the proposed script for the exhibit of the Enola Gay at the Smithsonian Institution.

It was obvious to me that the Enola Gay was being used to advance a theory about atomic missions and the United States' role in World War II that transformed the Japanese into victims and cast the United States as a vengeful aggressor engaged in a war to destroy an ancient culture. My first reaction was, as you can imagine, personal disbelief. I just could not believe that the Smithsonian, an institution whose very name signifies honesty and integrity in the preservation of American artifacts, could be so wrong.

Like the overwhelming majority of my generation I did not want a war. We are not a Nation of warriors. There is no warrior class, no master race, no Samurai. Yet during the years when my generation and our parents were struggling through the Great Depression, the Japanese were engaged in the conquest of their neighbors. That is an unfortunate fact of history. Without the slightest remorse or hesitation the Japanese military slaughtered innocent men, women, and children. In the end, they would kill over 20 million of their Asian neighbors.

The sneak attack on Pearl Harbor, timed for Sunday morning to inflict the maximum loss of ships and human life, thrust the United States into a war in the Pacific whose outcome then was far from certain. Seventeen hundred sailors are still entombed in the hull of the U.S.S. Arizona that sits on the bottom of Pearl Harbor. Many, if not all, died without ever knowing why.

The fall of Corregidor and the resulting treatment of Allied prisoners of war dispelled any remaining doubt about the inhumaneness of the Japanese army even in the context of war.

The Japanese military considered surrender a dishonor to one's self, one's family, one's country, and one's God, and thus they showed no mercy.

This was the true nature of the enemy we faced. This was the reality which President Harry Truman confronted as he considered sending yet even more American soldiers, sailors, and airmen into the horror of the war in the Pacific. Declassified transcripts of the secret codes which we had broken during the war and were available to President Truman and his military advisors underscore the Japanese attitude 50 years ago. The transcripts show the Japanese had no intention of surrendering unconditionally. They were stalling for time and fully prepared to continue to sacrifice their own citizens. And as time passed more Americans died.

The Japanese military was fully prepared to fight on, even after the Hiroshima mission. In fact, even after the Nagasaki mission, some Japanese military leaders were still advocating fighting on.

We know that in a pre-invasion meeting at the White House on June 18, 1945 Admiral William Leahy predicted to President Truman, based on the experience of Iwo Jima and Okinawa, 30 to 35 percent of the 770,000-man invasion force would be killed or wounded in the first 30 days of an invasion of the Japanese mainland. That calculates out to about a quarter of a million American men. President Truman remarked that the invasion would create another Okinawa from one end of Japan to the other; one of the most horrendous battles we ever fought. Now it would be expanded the whole length of Kyushu, the southern island of the four main islands of Japan.

The Joint Chiefs of Staff agreed. General MacArthur's chief surgeon. Brigadier General Guy Dennett, estimated that in the 120-day campaign to invade and occupy only the island of Kyushu, 395,000 casualties would be sustained. For President Truman, for me and for my crew, the probability of so many casualties was not an abstraction but a sobering reality.

The world is a better place because German and Japanese fascism failed to conquer. Japan and Germany are better places because we were benevolent in our victory. The youth of Japan and the United States, spared from further needless slaughter, went on to live and have families and grow old. Today millions of people in America and Japan are alive because we ended the war when we did. This is not to celebrate the use of atomic weapons. Quite the contrary. It is my fervent hope that my mission is the last such mission ever flown. But that does not mean that back in 1945, given the events of the war and the recalcitrance of our enemy. President Truman was not obliged to use all the weapons at his disposal to end the war.

Now, 50 years later after their defeat, some Japanese officials claim they were the victims, ignoring the clear evidence of their own brutality and mind set. Incredibly, how can any American academic support such a proposition, thus aiding and giving support to a 50-year attempt by the Japanese to rewrite their own history and ours in the process. Such an effort to rewrite